National Scholar Updates

Review of Ronald Benun's New Volume on Psalms

Book Review

Ronald Benun, Psalms and the Prophetic Message of Jeremiah, vol. 1 (Tebah: 2021), 368 pages.

 

Reviewed by Rabbi Hayyim Angel

 

After many decades of research, Ronald Benun has published the first volume of his life’s work on the Book of Psalms. Benun follows in the footsteps of his revered mentor, Rabbi Solomon David Sassoon.

 

This work is original and creative, as Benun identifies a plethora of proposed allusions between selected psalms and the entire Bible, most notably the Book of Jeremiah.

 

Benun’s thought-provoking analysis combines careful attention to minor details within a psalm, as well as the interlocking nexus of the entire Tanakh (“intertextuality”). In the 1980s, Benun developed then cutting-edge software to improve his ability to compare multiple biblical passages at once. He presents the results of his research in his book.

 

Benun also submits explanations of the sequencing of the psalms: “Psalms is not simply an anthology of unrelated poems. Rather, it also has the characteristics of a book, with an overall message, and sequence from chapter to chapter and from unit to unit” (306). Ibn Ezra (on Psalm 3:1) rejected this approach out of hand, but other great commentators, such as Rabbi Saadiah Gaon, pursued this line of inquiry.
 

The volume is best suited to scholars and other highly educated laypeople with strong backgrounds in Jewish Studies.

 

The sheer quantity of potential parallels Benun adduces is breathtaking. Each reader likely will reach different conclusions as to which to accept as compelling and which to consider more tenuous. Even once a set of parallels is established, individuals also may disagree over how to interpret the significance of those parallels. As the adage goes, one person’s peshat is another person’s derash.

 

Following the path of the best of Jewish scholarly tradition, Benun encourages his readers to evaluate his arguments based on the evidence. He painstakingly presents his arguments with careful documentation, rigor, and clarity.

 

Another compelling methodological contribution is Rabbi Solomon Sassoon’s “bumps in the road” interpretive stance. Many academic scholars have a tendency to smooth out difficulties, often by mechanically proposing text emendations. Benun retorts that more thoughtful attention to these anomalies may serve to unlock the intent of the biblical authors. For example, by deviating from an alphabetical acrostic or another pattern, an author may deliberately convey a shift in idea and mood. Emending a text to “correct” the anomaly, by contrast, is not only facile and tenuous, but may well obscure precisely the point the biblical author wishes to express through the use of that variance!

 

On a personal note, I also am coming out with a book on Psalms this year (Hayyim Angel, Psalms: A Companion Volume (New York: Kodesh Press, forthcoming). I found it particularly enlightening to read an entirely different approach to the psalms. There are endless facets to the prophetic works of the Bible, and we are blessed to have high-quality scholarship like that of Ronald Benun now in the mixture of ideas and approaches to the ever-inspiring and elevating words of the Psalms.

 

 

Tradition or Reality: How to Learn Jewish History

 

Growing up as a young teenager, I can recall the vivid imagery and depictions of suffering and horror that the Jewish people had experienced throughout many centuries. I also was taught an extreme veneration of Jewish heroes, sages, and rabbinical leaders. As such, my perceptions of Jewish life, throughout history, consisted of persecution, hate, slaughter, and anti-Semitism. Learning of Jews being devoured by animals in the Roman Colosseum, the massacres of Jews during the Crusades, the persecution of Converso Jews during the Spanish Inquisition, and the mass extermination of European Jewry during the Holocaust, all contributed to my initial grim and dark perceptions of how to view the lives of my Jewish ancestry and heritage, as well as my future life in a cruel and malevolent society that seemed to have an irrational fear for those who professed or were born to a Jewish identity.

A possible reason for the history of the Jewish people being depicted as a history filled with suffering and persecution stems from the complex nature and identity that the notion of anti-Semitism plays in Jewish culture and identity. Following this principle, Jewish suffering and persecution is based upon an irrational hate for the Jewish people—a burden the Jewish people must endure until the coming of the Jewish messiah and an intervention by the Almighty. Consequently, the association of anti-Semitism with Jewish History creates negative ramifications for the future of a contemporary Jewish society, as well as its relationship to a broader global society.

Firstly, framing Jewish life and culture within the context of anti-Semitism serves to differentiate and separate “us” Jews, from “them”, i.e., a larger global society that possesses an irrational hate for the Jewish people. Furthermore, the separation and divide between Judaism and an omnipresent world culture, as a result of anti-Semitism, creates the impression that identifying with Judaism is in direct contradiction with the universal values and customs of modern contemporary society. Secondly, viewing the history of the Jewish people in terms of a seemingly endless cycle of violence and persecution does not bode well for the hopes and aspirations of younger generations. Looking back at the suffering of their Jewish ancestors creates a sense of despair toward the future.

Throughout my childhood and teenage years, I was ingrained with the mentality of a constant anti-Semitism intertwined within the framework of Jewish History. This mentality created a personal conflict and, at the time, unanswerable questions. How would I live in a society that had an irrational fear and hatred against my professed Jewish identity? Learning about the suffering and persecution of my Jewish ancestors, I wondered if my future would entail similar forms of suffering and persecution. In retrospect, my questions were not wrong or misguided, but rather it was my perceptions and definitions of the history of the Jewish people that were misunderstood.

An additional problematic component of traditional learning of Jewish History that I had been exposed to was in regard to the extreme reverence for the exploits of Jewish heroes and heroines, as well as scholars and rabbinical leaders of the past. The closer Jewish leaders were to the Second Temple and biblical eras, the higher level of “holy” or divine their status would be to their future descendants. Consequently, as each incoming generation is a further lifetime away from biblical times, each incoming generation is viewed with a constant diminishing value in spirituality and righteousness compared with previous generations. In retrospect, I can see two potential problems in regard to the extreme veneration of past historical figures in Jewish History. First, the elevation of Jewish figures to such a degree conflicts with the Jewish importance of venerating God and his commandments. Second, on a personal note, the intense veneration of historical figures in Jewish history had them appear inhuman from my perspective, and as a result I did not see them as relatable.

As I grew older and entered University, I began to realize that there was much more to Jewish History than I had been exposed to. With mentorship and guidance from University professors and advisors, I began to view Jewish History in a more complex manner. I began to study different topics in Jewish History that I was never exposed to before; topics that I perceived to conflict with my beliefs on Judaism as a result of my previous outlook on the History of the Jewish people. I learned of many different sects of Judaism, including, among others, Sadducees, Essenes, Karaites, and Samaritans, all of which professed beliefs about Judaism that were different from my own. I was introduced to the historical background of the Maccabean revolt, and I discerned that the story of Hanukkah was not a revolt against the Seleucid Greeks and was in reality primarily a civil war between Jews over the impact of Greek customs and values on Jewish society. Furthermore, I identified Jewish leaders and their constituents interacting with their neighbors and being part of and contributing to a greater global society.

With further study, I began to view the history of the Jewish people in addition to great Jewish figures and leaders in a more relatable society that somewhat resembled the modern contemporary society in which I reside. Retrospectively, I do not view Jewish History in terms of the extensive persecution of Jews and to the extreme veneration of Jewish historical leaders. Conversely, I see a past where I imagine my fellow ancestors staying true to their religious beliefs while dealing with internal obstacles within their local Jewish communities as well as the broader environment surrounding them. Like today, there was division among Jewish communities, and as in contemporary times, Jews have dealt with times of persecution in addition to times of prosperity from their non-Jewish neighbors.

            As an aside, I do not mean to fully discredit the value of elements of Jewish History to which I had previously been exposed. Persecution of Jews has been a common theme throughout history and should be acknowledged. Similarly, there have been many great religious, political, and military Jewish leaders that should be venerated for their extraordinary leadership. Nevertheless, these features, mentioned above, if taught and studied on their own, persist to take away the humanity and importance of the common people of the past. Additionally, these features serve to alienate contemporary members of society as they evoke messages of persecution, suffering, and unworthiness. As such, the study of Jewish History should be based upon the pretext of discussing the complexities and divisions of different Jewish communities in addition to their complex relationship with their non-Jewish neighbors. Furthermore, the involvement of past Jewish historical leaders and local Jewish communities with their larger global society should be identified and addressed. By adding these new elements in the traditional study of Jewish History, the History of the Jewish people will represent a more authentic outlook in addition to being more relatable to contemporary Jewish society.

I and Thou: Thoughts for Parashat Bemidbar

Angel for Shabbat, Parashat Bemidbar

by Rabbi Marc D. Angel

 

When the Israelites were liberated from their slavery in Egypt, they did not—and could not—immediately become free people. Although the physical servitude had come to an end, psychological/emotional slavery continued to imbue their perception of life.

For generations, they had been viewed as objects, as lowly slaves whose existence was controlled by Egyptian taskmasters. Not only did the Egyptians see the Israelites as beasts of burden, but it was inevitable for the slaves to internalize this evaluation of their own lives. They were dehumanized…and it was very difficult to retain their humanity, self-respect, and dignity.

In this week’s Torah portion, we read about the census of the Israelites in the wilderness. The Torah specifies that those who were to be counted in the census were to be identified by their names and by their families. This was a dramatic way of telling them: you have names, you have families, you are dignified human beings; you are not chattel, you are not nameless slaves, you are not objects. Until the Israelites came to internalize their freedom and self-worth, they would continue to see themselves as inferior and unworthy beings.

In his famous book, I and Thou, Martin Buber pointed out that human relationships, at their best, involve mutual knowledge and respect, treating self and others as valuable human beings. An I-Thou relationship is based on understanding, sympathy, love. Its goal is to experience the “other” as a meaningful and valuable person. In contrast, an I-It relationship treats the “other” as an object to be manipulated, controlled, or exploited. If I-Thou relationships are based on mutuality, I-It relationships are based on the desire to gain functional benefit from the other.

Buber wrote: “When a culture is no longer centered in a living and continually renewed relational process, it freezes into the It-world, which is broken only intermittently by the eruptive, glowing deeds of solitary spirits.” As we dehumanize others, we also engage in the process of dehumanizing ourselves. We make our peace with living in an It-world, using others as things, and in turn being used by them for their purposes.

In critiquing modern life, Erich Fromm has noted that “We have become things and our neighbors have become things. The result is that we feel powerless and despise ourselves for our impotence.”

The line between I-Thou and I-It relationships is not always clear. Sometimes, people appear to be our friends, solicitous of our well-being; yet, their real goal is to manipulate us into buying their product, accepting their viewpoint, controlling us in various ways. Their goal isn’t mutual friendship and understanding; rather, they want to exert power and control, and they feign friendship as a tactic to achieve their goals.

Dehumanization is poisonous to proper human interactions and relationships. It is not only destructive to the victim, but equally or even more destructive to the one who does the dehumanizing. The dehumanizer ultimately dehumanizes himself/herself, and becomes blinded by egotism and power-grabbing at any cost. Such a person may appear “successful” based on superficial standards; but at root, such a person is an immense failure who has demeaned his/her humanity along with the humanity of his/her victims.

The Israelites, after their long and painful experience as slaves, needed to learn to value themselves and to value others; to engage in I-Thou relationships based on their own human dignity and the dignity of others. One of the messages of the census in the wilderness was: you are a dignified individual and your life matters—not just for what you can do as an “It” but for who you are as a “Thou.”

I-It relationships are based on functionality. Once the function no longer yields results, the relationship breaks. I-Thou relationships are based on human understanding, loyalty and love. These relationships are the great joy of life.

I recently received an email with the following message: “Friendship isn’t about who you have known longest…it’s about who came and never left your side.”

 

Israel: A Tiny Nation, A Great Destiny: Thoughts for Yom Ha'Atsmaut

Thoughts for Yom Ha'Atsmaut
by Rabbi Marc D. Angel

A tiny nation, often misunderstood and maligned, changed the course
of history for the good. This tiny
nation produced the Bible and its prophets; sages and mystics; poets and
dreamers. This tiny nation, generation after generation, in many ways has been
the conscience of humanity, the litmus test of human civilization.

This tiny nation lived in a tiny land in antiquity. Its King David
established Jerusalem as its
capitol city a thousand years before the dawn of Christianity and more than
1600 years before Mohammed. It was seldom allowed to live in peace: other
nations threatened, attacked, made war. It saw its capitol city razed by
vicious enemies, its Temples destroyed
by Babylonians and Romans, its citizens ravaged and exiled.

This tiny nation, scattered throughout the world, faced persecutions and
humiliations. Its men and women and children were confined to ghettos, deprived
of elementary human rights, subjected to pogroms and pillage. Millions of them
were murdered during the Holocaust.

Exiled from its land for nearly 2000 years, it always dreamed of
returning to its ancestral soil and re-establishing its sovereignty. It prayed daily
for the return. Many of its members made pilgrimages, and some remained living
in the land throughout the generations, in conditions of poverty and
oppression.

In spite of the persecutions it suffered and in spite of the callousness
of so many nations of the world, this tiny nation maintained faith in One God
and in the mission He assigned it to bring the lofty teachings of Torah to
humanity. In spite of all its sufferings, this tiny nation maintained faith in
humanity: it strove to make the world a better place for all human beings, with
an eternal optimism that is truly a wonder.

This tiny nation, born 3500 years ago, wove its way through history and
refused to be destroyed or silenced.
This tiny nation, scattered throughout the lands of the world, found the
will and the courage to return to its historic homeland after nearly 2000 years
of exile. The return home has been difficult. It has had to fight wars, withstand
terrorism, overcome economic boycotts, endure political isolation, and combat
hateful propaganda.

Yet, this tiny and ancient nation, against all reasonable odds, has
re-established its sovereignty in its historic homeland; it has created a
vibrant, dynamic, idealistic society, dedicated to the ideals of freedom and
democracy. With its memory spanning the millennia, it has created a modern,
progressive state.

My wife Gilda and I first visited this historic land in the summer of
1968, a year after our marriage. When we glimpsed the shoreline from the
airplane window, we both found ourselves with tears in our eyes. We were not
born in this land; we had never been there before; and yet we were returning—we
and all the generations of our families were returning through us. “When the Lord turned back the captivity of Zion, we were
as in a dream (Psalm 126:1).”

This tiny people is Israel. This tiny
land is Israel. This
nation of dreamers and visionaries, builders and farmers, sages and scientists,
warriors and peace makers—this nation is Israel. This tiny nation is a great nation. This tiny
land is a holy land. “The tiny shall become a thousand, and the least a mighty
nation (Isaiah 60:22).”

Israel is a bastion
of hope in a world filled with despair. It is a wellspring of human dignity in
a world filled with shameless hatred and strife.

To stand with Israel is to
stand for the redemption of the people of Israel and
humanity. To stand with Israel is to recognize
the sheer wonder of the survival and contributions of the people of Israel. It is to
affirm the preciousness of life over a culture of death; righteousness over
hypocrisy; idealism over despair. This tiny nation in its tiny land is a
testament to the greatness of the human spirit. It is a testimony to God’s
providence.

It is a privilege, beyond words, to dream with Israel and share
its destiny.

“For Zion’s sake I shall not be
silent, and for Jerusalem’s sake I shall not rest, until her righteousness go
forth as brightness and her salvation as a flaming torch (Isaiah 62:1).”

Hatred and Violence Endanger Everyone...Including the Criminals

According to the NYPD, six teens between the ages of 12 and 16 were approached by three male teens, who “stated that they wanted to fight them and that because they were Jewish, they wanted to get them.” “The suspects brandished a knife, crow bar and a sword, and followed them towards their residence before fleeing,” said a spokeswoman for the NYPD. “There were no reported injuries as a result of this incident. The NYPD’s Hate Crimes Task Force was notified and is investigating.”

     The above news story about a recent incident on the Upper West Side of Manhattan is disturbing…and not entirely accurate. Yes, the Jewish teens were not physically harmed and the perpetrators got away. But the report states that there were “no reported injuries”…and that is only partially correct.

    In fact, there were very serious injuries. The Jewish victims were not simply confronted by weapon-wielding haters; they were psychologically injured by the confrontation. Their level of trust in their personal safety has been compromised. Their trust in their fellow human beings has been shattered. They will now need to keep wondering if they will be attacked again…only because they are Jewish. 

     The injuries go beyond the psychological damage to the teen victims. All Jews have another reason to feel that they can be victimized only because they are Jews. We can try to put this incident aside as a fluke aberration from our normal sense of safety and well-being…but a scar—however small it may seem—will remain.

     And it’s not just Jews who have sustained injuries in this incident: it is also the perpetrators themselves. One act of hatred and violence tends to lead to another, and then another. The teen haters are condemning themselves to a life of hatred and violence that may ultimately land them in prison. Even if they escape justice this time, eventually their violence and bigotry will backfire on them.

     It is very upsetting watching the news these days. Not only do we view the horrific situation in Ukraine and Palestinian terrorism in Israel; we see images of violent people in our own city and country who hit, rob, shoot, and murder others. We are witnessing a rise in hate crimes against Jews, Asians and other groups. 

     On the positive side, politicians speak out forcefully against bigotry and gun violence. Law enforcement leaders assure us they will catch the criminals. But on the negative side, we sense a breakdown within society. Pundits blame racism, anti-Semitism, gangs, mental illness, availability of guns, frustration due to the Covid pandemic etc. 

     While so much needs to be done in order to maintain civility and safety, a key area that needs to be studied is the family. Healthy families produce healthy, productive children. Healthy families convey moral values. Healthy families strive to help family members who are moving in dangerous anti-social directions.

     When families do not properly fulfill these functions, our entire society suffers the consequences. But what is being done by our government, schools, and media to promote healthy families? Have things deteriorated beyond repair? Have the leaders and opinion makers given up on promoting healthy families?

     We are told that a high percentage of violent crimes are committed by a small number of criminals. But who are these criminals? Where did they learn to hate and hurt? What kind of families do they have? What could parents do to better guide their children? What resources do parents of problematic children have to help them steer their children in the right direction? And if the parents themselves are haters and criminals, how can the children be freed from the bad influences of their parents?

     When society was first confronted with the Covid plague, vast financial and human resources were mobilized in order to deal with the virus and its spread. It was quickly realized that the virus posed a threat to all of us.

     But the virus of hatred, violence and bigotry receives inadequate responses. This virus undermines the foundations of civil society and is a threat to everyone. It demands a strong response. The goal is not only to punish perpetrators but to strengthen families and schools so that our younger generations grow up with healthy moral frameworks.

     The Covid crisis demonstrated how society rallied massive energy and budget to bolster society’s physical health. Shouldn’t we be able to act with an equal sense of emergency on behalf of society’s moral and psychological health?

    

    

Children in Synagogue; Putin; Smart Phones; Chat Rooms: Rabbi M. D. Angel Responds to Questions from the Jewish Press

Is it proper to bring very young children to shul?

 

Many parents want their children to become accustomed to attending synagogue from an early age. That’s fine; but parents must assume responsibility for their children during services. If the children become restless, noisy, and disruptive to others, then parents need to bring them out of the sanctuary until they settle down.

Many synagogues provide child care during services, so that children can spend some time in the main sanctuary and the rest of the morning in child care/youth programs/youth services.

If children are very young, it’s very difficult to expect them to stay quiet for a long stretch of time. As they grow older, the time they spend in services can be gradually increased.

It is essential for parents to be extra sensitive to the needs of the entire kahal when they bring their children to synagogue. It is essential for the kahal to be very understanding and patient when it comes to the needs of parents and young children. Striking the right balance isn’t always easy. But it can be done with the goodwill of all the members of the community—young and old.

 

Is it proper to daven for the demise of Putin in order to save lives in Ukraine, and stop him from additional aggression?  What about a supporter of Russia davening for victory in taking over Ukraine?

 

It is proper to pray for peace. It is proper to pray that human beings will all strive to live up to their potential as having been created in Hashem’s image. It is proper to seek Hashem’s guidance for a troubled humanity…for refuat hanefesh and refuat haguf.

It is not proper to use prayer as a magical gimmick or as a p.r. event.  Prayer is not a tool for manipulating the actions of the Almighty, but a humble gesture of dependence on Hashem.

Bruriah taught that it’s best not to pray for the demise of sinners…but to pray for the elimination of the sins themselves. Our prayers should seek Hashem’s help in showing tyrannical leaders the errors of their ways; moving them to reconsider their destructive policies; guiding all leaders on all sides to genuinely consider what is right and best for their own citizens.

It is proper to pray for peace and human understanding. It is proper—and vital—for these prayers to be accompanied by suitable actions that help make our world a better, safer, and happier place.

 

Is it proper now to own a smartphone? When is it appropriate to use one and when not? Does using the filter solve the problem?

 

Each of us has the right and responsibility to make decisions that affect our lives. When we face change—technological or otherwise—we need to be able to evaluate the positives and negatives—and then decide what’s best for us.

Smart phones are incredibly useful in so many ways. They are amazingly helpful in maintaining quick and easy communications. They provide instant information on the weather and the news. The apps make it easy for us to drive without getting lost; to order an Uber driver or a pizza; and so many other features that simplify our lives.

Yes, it’s possible to over-use or mis-use a smartphone. But that is true of many things. The question isn’t whether it’s proper to own a smartphone; the question is are we responsible enough to use smartphones wisely.

If you wonder whether or not you should own a smartphone, ask for advice from others who do own one. Find out if this device is something that will enhance your life or be a waste of money. Then make your own decision.  Whatever you decide is not final; you can re-evaluate as time goes on and as circumstances change.

Think clearly. Make your own decision. Adjust your decision if and when needed.

 

Is it proper to click and follow the personal social media accounts of the opposite gender? If so what about chatting socially with them using the platform's direct messaging?

 

It would seem unwise to click and follow the personal social media account of anyone outside your immediate family and circle of friends, whether of the same or opposite gender. It is also a bad idea to chat with anyone you don’t know personally.

 Unfortunately, people are lured into activities and conversations without realizing the long-term (or even short-term) implications. It is all too frequent to hear of people who have been financially or physically harmed due to careless use of social media and chatting platforms.  People may think that these things only happen to others and that they can handle things without getting into trouble. But why put yourself at needless risk? Why waste your valuable time?

 The yetser hara is very powerful and relentless. It’s best not to give it an opening by engaging in problematic online behavior. Remember: you are answerable to the Almighty Who is fully aware of your actions. You are not alone, even if you are in a room by yourself.

 

 

 

The Love of Song of Songs

Blurring the Boundaries between Divine and Human Love:

The Sanctification of the Song of Songs[1]

 

Hayyim Angel

 

Rabbi Akiva said, “…No one in Israel ever disputed that the Song of Songs renders the hands impure, since nothing in the entire world is worthy but for that day on which the Song of Songs was given to Israel. For all the Scriptures are holy, but the Song of Songs is the Holy of Holies! (Mishnah Yadayim 3:5)

 

 

Introduction

One of the ways we seek holiness is through communion with God through the study of Holy Writ, but that that idea is easier to toss around glibly than actually to define. The Song of Songs is the context in which our greatest commentators and thinkers expressed themselves the most directly in that regard. The question at the heart of our discussion is: Can a biblical text be physical and spiritual, openly erotic and about the love of God, all at the same time? In this essay, we explore the wide range of opinions found in classical rabbinic commentary, modern Jewish Thought, and contemporary academic scholarship. These scholars provide critical means of building bridges between the realms of the loving relationships between God and humankind, and the loving relationships between people.

 

The Song of Songs contains some of the most tender expressions of love and intimacy in the Bible. On its literal level, the Song expresses the mutual love of a man and a woman. From ancient times, traditional interpreters have almost universally agreed that there is an allegorical or symbolic layer of meaning as well. In both traditional rabbinic circles and contemporary academic circles, some scholars attempt to deny one level of meaning or the other by insisting that the author cannot possibly have meant both. However, others allow for the possibility of attributing both layers of meaning to the author. In this essay, we argue that the dismissal of either layer of meaning does a disservice to the Song and its interpretation. The blurring in interpretation unlocks the full sacred potential of the Song, which bridges the love of people and the love of God into its exalted poetry.

 

From Literal to Allegorical

The allegorical mode of interpretation can be traced as least as far back as the second and third centuries C.E., and possibly even to the first century C.E.[2] It also is plausible that the written evidence is long preceded by an oral tradition, possibly going back all the way to the original composition of the Song. The most prevalent allegorical interpretation in Jewish tradition (as exemplified by the Targum, and the commentaries by Rabbi Saadiah Gaon [882-942], Rashi [1040-1105], Rashbam [Rabbi Samuel ben Meir, 1080-1160], and Rabbi Abraham Ibn Ezra [1089-1164]) understands the Song as symbolizing the historical relationship between God and Israel.[3] The ancient Aramaic translation called the Targum was the first to present a coherent historical narrative based on earlier midrashim.[4] Following Rabbeinu Baḥya Ibn Pakuda (first half eleventh century), Maimonides (1138-1204) maintained that the Song is an allegory representing the love between God and the righteous individual.[5] Many allegorical, poetic, philosophical, mystical, and other interpretations of the Song also have been part of the Jewish landscape over the past two millennia.[6]

 

How did this allegorical interpretation come to be? Many contemporary scholars maintain that it is superimposed onto what was originally a secular love poem. Representing this widespread position, James Kugel imagines that the first generation of allegorical interpreters knew full well that the Song is nothing more than a secular love poem between a man and a woman. These original Sages fancifully interpreted the Song to reflect the love between God and Israel, all the time winking at one another. Subsequent generations lost those winks in translation, and erroneously concluded that this interpretation reflected the true meaning of the Song. In Kugel’s view, Sages such as Rabbi Akiva simply were “misled” by the allegorical interpretation. However, contemporary scholars “know” that the Song is part of a “great ancient Near Eastern tradition of love poetry, with its conventional descriptions of the lovers’ physical beauty and its frank exaltation of eroticism.”[7] The religious allegorical interpretation made the book Bible-worthy. However, the original meaning of the Song is indeed irrelevant for inclusion in the Bible.[8]

 

Gabriel Cohn flatly rejects this explanation: Why would the Sages take a secular love poem and completely reinterpret it to refer to the love between God and Israel? They did not need to include the Song in the Bible at all! Evidently, they believed the Song was sacred from its inception.[9] Gerson Cohen expresses the matter more bluntly:

The rabbis of the first and second century, like the intelligent ancients generally, were as sensitive to words and the meaning of poetry as we are. How, then, could they have been duped—or better yet, have deluded themselves and others—into regarding a piece of erotica as genuine religious literature, as the holy of holies! Should not the requirements of elementary common sense give us reason for pause and doubt?[10]

 

The assumption that the Song was a secular love poem that early Sages reworked into a religious allegory to make it Bible-worthy does a disservice both to the Song and to the Sages. Once we can accept that the Sages always understood the Song as sacred, we can find layers of sanctification of divine and human love within the Song.

 

The Allegorical Meaning Inheres in the Text

            Some scholars maintain that an allegorical meaning of divine love can be demonstrated from a careful text analysis. In his introduction to the Song, Ibn Ezra observes that the prophets frequently apply the metaphor of a marriage to the relationship between God and Israel. Therefore, the allegorical interpretation of the Song as a metaphor of the love between God and Israel is reasonable within its biblical setting.[11]

 

Gabriel Cohn adds that the emphasis on the Land of Israel seems to have greater meaning than simply the natural setting of the relationship. Israel seems to be a vehicle for promoting the relationship. The Song mentions several cities in Israel (1:14; 2:1; 4:1; 6:4; 7:5-6). The lovers also liken one another to places in Israel (4:1 [6:4]; 4:4; 7:6. 4:11). In 5:1, milk and honey appear together. Cohn lists additional features of the Song that also have no parallels in other Near Eastern love poetry.[12]

 

Of course, these points hardly create a compelling case for an intended allegorical reading. After all, the book never reveals an allegorical meaning. This is unlike the prophetic metaphors of a God-Israel marriage, where the meaning always is made explicit. However, the above evidence makes allegory a comfortable possibility as part of the author’s original intent.

 

The Literal Meaning Is the Intended Meaning and Is Sacred, and the Allegorical Meaning Is Ascribed to it by Tradition

 

            Another approach is to understand the literal reading of human love as the primary intent of the book. The symbolic interpretive approach that takes the Song as being about God and Israel or about God and the religious individual would then belong to the category of “tradition,” or “midrash” rather than the p’shat.

 

Alon Goshen-Gottstein summarizes the view of those contemporary scholars who accept the literal reading as the primary intent of the Song. In their reading, the Song speaks of the sanctity of human love:

The Song celebrates human love for what it is. Scripture would be incomplete if it did not have in it an expression of an aspect of life so germane to humanity, its pursuits and its happiness. What could be more natural, beautiful, and even spiritual, than the inclusion of human conjugal love as a value to be admired, praised and celebrated?[13]

 

Within this reading, the inclusion of this remarkable book into the Bible is the strongest vote for the supreme religious value of interpersonal love in Jewish tradition. Scholars who would distinguish between a “secular” human love interpretation and a “religious” God-Israel interpretation fail to recognize that love and human relationships themselves are essential aspects of biblical religion. Precisely because both are sacred, tradition could express itself regarding the nature of the relationship between God and Israel, or between God and the religious individual, within the descriptions of human love and intimacy.

 

From this vantage point, the rabbinic concern with the literal reading of the Song does not stem primarily from its biblically unparalled expressions of physical human love and sexuality, but rather from the potential to treat those physical expressions as secular or vulgar:

Our Rabbis taught: He who recites a verse of the Song of Songs and treats it as a mere ditty and one who recites a verse at the banqueting table unseasonably [that is, in an inappropriate or secular manner, HA], brings evil upon the world. Because the Torah girds itself in sackcloth, and stands before the blessed Holy One and laments in God’s presence, “Sovereign of the Universe! Your children have made me as a harp upon which they frivolously play.” (Sanhedrin 101a)

 

Rabbi Akiva says: One who sings the Song of Songs with a tremulous voice at banquets and treats it as a mere song has no share in the World to Come. (Tosefta Sanhedrin 12:10)

 

Of course, there is no way to disprove that there also is an allegorical dimension intended by the author of the Song.

 

Human Love is a Symbol of the Love between God and Israel

            A middle approach based on the above evidence is to view the literal element of human love as essential to the author’s intent, and that the author also intended that human love serve as a symbol of divine love. Gabriel Cohn maintains that for an allegory, an interpreter must set each detail into a larger allegorical framework. In contrast, if the Song is a symbol, then one must interpret every detail of the literal love poem, and then more generally understand this human love as a symbol of divine love.[14] In this approach, the literal human love is part of the original intent of the Song, as is the symbolic meaning of the God-Israel relationship.

 

To summarize: Either the Song is sacred because it was always intended as an allegory describing divine love; or it is sacred because it celebrates the sanctity of human love and tradition sees in that human love a symbol of the love of the divine. Or perhaps it is a human love poem with built-in symbolism intended by the author to point to the mutual love between God and Israel or between God and the religious individual.

 

The Literal Reading as an Essential Aspect of Tradition

            Rabbi Joseph Soloveitchik asserts that unlike the case with respect to any other biblical book, the midrashic-allegorical reading has come totally to supplant the literal meaning of the Song. Not only does the Song contain a layer of divine love, but it is exclusively about divine love. He maintains that one who adopts the literal reading of the Song denies the sanctity of the Oral Law, since there is rabbinic consensus that the symbolic meaning is the sole acceptable one. To bolster his point, he notes that the halakhah codifies that the name Shelomo (the Hebrew version of Solomon) that appears seven times in the Song is mostly to be taken as a sacred name of God, reading Shelomo to mean, “The Song to Him whose is the peace (le-Mi sheha-Shalom shelo).” That word must not be erased in the Song, since it does not refer to the earthly King Solomon, but rather to God. Thus, halakhah itself shows that the literal meaning (King Solomon) is supplanted by the symbolic meaning (God):[15]

Every “Solomon” mentioned in the Song of Songs is sacred… except for this one verse: My vineyard, which is mine, is before me; you, O Solomon, shalt have the thousand (Song 8:12)—Solomon for himself [shall have a thousand]…And there are some who say this also is secular: Behold it is the bed of Solomon (Song 3:7). (B. Shevuot 35b)

 

Although Rabbi Soloveitchik is correct that there is near-universal acceptance of an allegorical meaning within tradition, there is a range of opinion pertaining to the value of the literal reading of human love. In the introduction to his commentary, Malbim (Meir Leibush ben Yehiel Michel, 1809-1879) criticizes rabbinic commentaries on the Song who altogether ignore its literal meaning. While he maintains that there is a symbolic meaning as well, one first must understand the literal meaning to attain other layers of meaning:

 

Most interpretations [of Song of Songs]… are in the realm of allusion and homiletical interpretation distant from the establishment of the p’shat.… Of course we affirm that divine words have seventy facets and one thousand dimensions. Nonetheless, the p’shat interpretation is the beginning of knowledge; it is the key to open the gates, before we can enter the sacred inner chambers of the King.

 

Most earlier rabbinic commentators find value in the literal reading, while they simultaneously insist that the Song contains an allegorical level of meaning as well. Elie Assis surveys classical commentators and determines that their opinions fall into several larger categories.

  1. The Song was initially composed as a human love poem and it was elevated to the sacred when being edited into a biblical book (Rabbi Joseph Kara [1050-1125], Rabbi Isaac Arama [1420-1494]).
  2. The Song is an allegory in a general sense, but the interpreter must focus on the details of the human love song (Rashbam, Rabbi Joseph Kara, Rabbi Isaiah of Trani [c. 1180-c. 1250).
  3. The literal reading is necessary to understand the allegory, and the allegory is primary (Rashi, Ibn Ezra).
  4. Despite what we suppose the simple meaning to be, we must interpret only the allegory (Rabbi Obadiah Sforno [1470-1550]).[16]

 

Tzvi Yehudah further observes that only in the nineteenth century do we begin to find rabbis who deny the value of the literal reading of the Song. Prior to that, the Sages and commentators generally embraced the literal and symbolic meanings of the Song.[17]

 

It should be noted further that although the halakhah rules that most references to the name Shelomo in the Song are sacred because they refer to God, the classical sages and the later commentators never allowed that ruling to supplant the literal meaning in their minds. Shelomo also could refer to King Solomon. They still maintained, for example, that when the opening verse states, “The Song of Songs of Solomon,” this means that King Solomon authored or played a significant role in the composition of the book. Despite the halakhic ruling of the Talmud that this reference to “Shelomo” is a sacred name of God, the word continues to refer to the human king as well. It is difficult to conclude that the halakhic-symbolic-allegorical meanings of the Song altogether supplant the literal meaning within tradition.

 

In the final analysis, it is impossible to ascertain where original authorial intent ends and where added meaning begins. As Rabbi Saadiah Gaon says in the introduction to his commentary, “Know, my brother, that you will find great differences in interpretation of the Song of Songs. The Song of Songs is likened to locks whose keys have been lost.” However, it is precisely this uncertainty that unlocks the potential of connecting human love and divine love.

 

Building Bridges

            The blurring of the boundaries in the layers of interpretation of the Song is singularly valuable. Without knowing the precise primary intent of the author of the Song, several contemporary religious thinkers exploit the potential literal and allegorical layers of interpretation to speak about the Song’s contribution to religious experience. Rabbi Joseph Soloveitchik and his student Rabbi Shalom Carmy bridge the two allegorical readings of God-Israel and God-religious individual. Rabbi Yuval Cherlow bridges the literal and allegorical readings.

 

Rabbi Joseph Soloveitchik

As discussed above, Rashi champions the position that the Song should be read allegorically as a continuous narrative of the historical relationship between God and Israel. Maimonides espouses a different reading, that the Song should be read allegorically as reflecting the intimate relationship between God and the religious individual. Rashi’s reading pertains to the collective, particularistic relationship between God and Israel. Maimonides’  reading, in contrast, pertains to every religious individual, a universalistic perspective.

 

Despite these significant differences, Rabbi Soloveitchik considers the approaches of Rashi and Maimonides to be compatible. The lovers’ quest for one another in the Song symbolizes the human quest for God and for God’s revelation to humans. All people long to transcend their natural state and find God and meaning. Additionally, Israel uniquely receives divine revelation through the Torah. God longs for a relationship with each individual, and also for a relationship with a unique nation. At the same time, the lovers in the Song constantly pursue and long for one another, but never consummate the sexual relationship in the Song itself. Similarly, God never is revealed fully to people, and people retreat from God at the moment of a potential encounter. The two readings of Rashi and Maimonides thus are two aspects of this relationship. The Song speaks to the entire world, and simultaneously in a unique manner also to Israel.[18]

 

Rabbi Shalom Carmy[19]

            Many Jews customarily recite the Song on Friday night prior to the evening prayers. The ordinary Jew’s reading of the Song has little to do with the elitist reading of Rashi. Most people reciting the Song are not likely to attempt a systematic allegorical reading of the historical relationship between God and Israel.

 

Rabbi Carmy notes that an adequate reading of the Song cannot ignore ordinary readers even as it also addresses erudite theologians. The ordinary worshipper can relate more to Maimonides’ concept of the man in the Song as God, and the woman as the religious individual who senses God’s closeness. The Song gives far more expression to the woman than to the man, so that one can find therein one’s religious voice seeking God.[20]

 

Rabbi Carmy explains that people never can fully connect to God, just as the desired rendezvous of the lovers in the Song never explicitly occurs. The God we seek is the God who corresponds to our needs and desires, our loves and our fears. Yet God also is wholly other, expressed most poignantly through revelation to humanity, and makes demands that do not correspond to our perceived needs. In the context of revelation, people must obey; but obedience necessarily leads to estrangement, since it is not a freedom-seeking person’s natural way. God therefore is both approachable and completely apart. Rabbi Soloveitchik’s reading that combines the approaches of Rashi and Maimonides thereby bridges the gap between the ordinary Friday evening worshipper, engaged in an intimate personal spiritual encounter with God, and the elite theologian and philosopher, who encounters God through revelation.

 

      Rabbi Yuval Cherlow[21]

            Rabbi Yuval Cherlow builds important bridges between the literal and allegorical layers of meaning in the Song. In Rabbi Cherlow’s interpretation of the Song’s literal layer, the man—whom he identifies as a king—and the woman—whom who he identifies as a peasant who tends vineyards—must learn each other’s language and overcome the staggering gulf between them. Similarly, there is an infinite gulf between God and people, leading to inherent religious challenges.

 

Over the course of the Song, the woman must learn the world of the king and its language rather than attempting to impose her world onto her lover. So too Israel must learn God’s language in the Torah to develop a proper religious relationship with God. The king also must learn the language and concerns of his beloved, and by addressing them he gives her the opportunity to develop the relationship further.

 

Rabbi Cherlow maintains that the Song teaches that the key to developing one’s love of God is through an understanding of human love. As cited in the Mishnah, Rabbi Akiva declares that the Song is the most sacred of all biblical works, calling it the Holy of Holies, which was in its day the most sacred inner sanctum of the Temple in Jerusalem (M. Yadayim 3:5). He considers “love your neighbor as yourself” to be the central axiom of the Torah (Sifra Kedoshim 4:12). Rabbi Akiva teaches that the love of God is not what leads to the love of people; rather, the love of people ultimately leads to the love of God. The planes of interpersonal love and the love that may exist between God and Israel or the religious individual intersect in the most sacred of dialogic spaces, the relational equivalent of the ancient Holy of Holies.[22]

 

Conclusion

            Our inability to define the boundaries between the author’s intended meaning and later layers of interpretation is one of the Song’s most exciting features. The dynamic possibilities, coupled with the efforts of ancient and contemporary thinkers, offer fertile ground to explore the love of people and the love of God. There are three commandments to love in the Torah: One’s neighbor (Lev. 19:18), the stranger (Lev. 19:34), and God (Deut. 6:5). The Song and its interpretations develop and invigorate these three loves. Both forms of love require a leap of faith from the uncertain, and that leap and endless pursuit creates the dynamic and ever-burning love depicted by the Song.

 

In his essay on the Song of Songs, “U-vikkashtem Mi-sham,” Rabbi Joseph Soloveitchik discusses a central pillar of the Torah, which elevates the physical aspects of humanity to a life of holiness. In the summary words of Rabbi Reuven Ziegler:

Judaism does not view the natural, biological aspect of the human being with disdain or despair. Therefore, the revelatory commands do not come to deny and repress man’s physical existence. Judaism instead declares that the body’s instinctual biological drives must be refined, redeemed, and sanctified, but not extirpated. Through the imposition of the mitzvot that make demands of the body, those drives are stamped with “direction and purposefulness.” The Torah thus allows man to experience pleasure, even as it prevents him from being enslaved to desire and from indulging in pleasure to excess.[23]

 

This approach appears apt to explain the dynamism in the literal-metaphorical relationship of the Song. The Song speaks to the sanctity of human love, and intimates the love of the divine. Like the Torah, what sanctifies the Song is not “only” its divine aspect, but also the elevation of human love to the realm of the sacred.

 

The strands of rabbinic analysis warn that the literal reading of the Song is susceptible to secularization and vulgarization, just like human love and intimacy today. And also just like today the connection between love and religion can be viewed with excessive cynicism. Some would separate between human love which is “secular,” and a relationship with God which is “religious”; but biblical tradition repudiates this view and considers human love and interpersonal relationships to be essential and sacred aspects of the service of God.

 

The language of love in the Song of Songs has a unique potential to speak to the heart of many contemporary Jews. One midrash suggests that King Solomon made the Torah accessible in a manner that nobody had done since the Torah was revealed:

He listened and tested the soundness (izzein v’ḥikkeir) of many maxims (Kohelet 12:9)—[this means that] he made handles (oznayim, a word similar to izzein) to the Torah…. Rabbi Yosei said: Imagine a big basket full of produce without any handle, so that it could not be lifted, until one clever man came and made handles to it, and then it began to be carried by the handles. So until Solomon arose, no one could properly understand the words of the Torah, but when Solomon arose, all began to comprehend the Torah. (Shir Ha-shirim Rabbah 1:8)

 

Precisely through the language of human love that most people can understand, the Song enables people to approach God and revelation.

 

The Song sanctifies and exalts human love, and it infuses with intense passion the love between God and Israel and the love between God and every religious individual. Jewish tradition understood the potential religious pitfalls that could result from the inclusion of the Song into the Bible, but concluded that it was well worth those risks to promote a singular level of sanctification through the fusion of human and divine love. It remains to the readers of the Song to take that leap of faith.

 

At the outset of this essay, we asked: Can a biblical text be physical and spiritual, openly erotic and about the love of God, all at the same time? By blurring the boundaries between human and divine love, the Song and its interpretations provide a strikingly positive, and sacred, answer.

 

 

[2] Based on intertextual references between the Song of Songs, 4 Ezra, and Revelation, Jonathan Kaplan argues that the first allegorical interpretations of the Song of Songs can be traced to the close of the first century C.E. See his “The Song of Songs from the Bible to the Mishnah,” Hebrew Union College Annual 81 (2010), pp. 43-66.

 

[3] This was not the only midrashic understanding, however. In the summary words of David M. Carr (with minor transliteration changes): “While we see the male fairly consistently linked to God, we find the female of the Song of Songs related to the house of study (B. Eruvin 21b, Bava Batra 7b), an individual sage (T. Ḥagigah 2:3), Moses (Mekhilta, Beshallaḥ, Shirah §9), Joshua the son of Nun (Sifrei D’varim §305 and parallels), local court (B. Sanhedrin 36bYevamot 101aKiddushin 49b and Sanhedrin 24a; cf. also B. Pesaḥim 87a), or the community of Israel as a whole (M Taanit 4:8; T. Sotah 9:8; B. Shabbat 88Yoma 75aSukkot 49bEiruvin 21bTaanit 4a; Mekhilta Beshallaḥ Shirah §3).” See his “The Song of Songs as a Microcosm of the Canonization and Decanonization Process,” in Canonization and Decanonization, eds. A. van der Kooij and K. van der Toorn (Leiden: Brill, 1998), pp. 175-176.

 

[4] See Philip S. Alexander, “Tradition and Originality in the Targum of the Song of Songs,” in The Aramaic Bible: Targums in Their Historical Context, ed. D. R. G. Beattie and M. J. McNamara (Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1994), pp. 318-339; Isaac B. Gottlieb, “The Jewish Allegory of Love: Change and Constancy,” Journal of Jewish Thought and Philosophy 2 (1992), pp. 1-17. For a more detailed analysis of Targum’s reading, see Esther M. Menn, “Targum of the Song of Songs and the Dynamics of Historical Allegory,” in The Interpretation of Scripture in Early Judaism and Christianity: Studies in Language and Tradition, ed. Craig A. Evans (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2000), pp. 423-445.

 

[5] See M.T. Hilkhot Teshuvah 10:3; Guide of the Perplexed 3:51. And see also Yosef Murciano, “Maimonides and the Interpretation of the Song of Songs” (Hebrew), in Teshurah L’Amos: A Collection of Studies in Biblical Interpretation Presented in Honor of Amos Hakham, eds. Moshe Bar‑Asher et al. (Alon Shevut: Tevunot, 2007), pp. 85-108; James A. Diamond, Maimonides and the Shaping of the Jewish Canon (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), pp. 26-68). For an analysis of medieval philosophical readings of the Song of Songs, and how Malbim (Meir Leibush ben Yehiel Michel, 1809-1879) and Rabbi Joseph Soloveitchik (in U-vikkashtem Mi-sham) adopted variations of that approach, see Shalom Rosenberg, “Philosophical Interpretations of the Song of Songs: Preliminary Observations” (Hebrew), Tarbiz 59 (1990), pp. 133-151.

 

[6] For a survey, see Michael Fishbane, Song of Songs (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 2015), pp. 245-310.

 

[7] For critique of this widely-held scholarly position, see Hector Patmore, “‘The Plain and Literal Sense’: On Contemporary Assumptions about the Song of Songs,” Vetus Testamentum 56 (2006), pp. 239-250.

 

[8] James L. Kugel, How to Read the Bible: A Guide to Scripture, Then and Now (New York: Free Press, 2007), pp. 514-518. For criticism of the cynical excesses of Kugel’s book, see Yitzchak Blau, “Reading Morality Out of the Bible,” Bekhol Derakhakha Daehu 29 (2014), pp. 7-13.

 

[9] Gabriel H. Cohn, Textual Tapestries: Explorations of the Five Megillot (Jerusalem: Maggid, 2016), p. 7.

 

[10] Gerson D. Cohen, “The Song of Songs and the Jewish Religious Mentality,” in The Canon and Masorah of the Hebrew Bible: An Introductory Reader, ed. Sid Z. Leiman (New York: Ktav, 1974), p. 263. See also Mark Giszczak, “The Canonical Status of Song of Songs in m. Yadayim 3:5,” Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 41:2 (2016), pp. 205-220.

 

[11] These include: Isaiah 50:1; 54:4-7; 62:4-5; Jeremiah 2:1-2; 3:1; Ezekiel 16:7-8; Hosea 1-3.

 

[12] Gabriel H. Cohn, Textual Tapestries, pp. 11-12.

 

[13] Alon Goshen-Gottstein, “Thinking of/With Scripture: Struggling for the Religious Significance of the Song of Songs,” Journal of Scriptural Reasoning 3:2 (2003), at http://jsr.shanti.virginia.edu/back-issues/vol-3-no-2-august-2003-healing-words-the-song-of-songs-and-the-path-of-love/thinking-ofwith-scripture-struggling-for-the-religious-significance-of-the-song-of-songs/. Accessed July 11, 2017.

[14] Gabriel H. Cohn, Textual Tapestries, pp. 22-23.

 

[15] Joseph Soloveitchik, “U-vikkashtem Mi-sham,” in Ish Ha-halakhah: Galui V’nistar, (Jerusalem: Histadrut, 1992), pp. 119-120.

 

[16] Elie Assis, Ahavat Olam Ahavtikh: Keriah Hadashah BeShir HaShirim (Hebrew) (Tel-Aviv: Yediot Aharonot-Hemed, 2009), pp. 211-231.

 

[17] Tzvi Yehudah, “The Song of Songs: The Sanctity of the Megillah and Its Exegesis” (Hebrew), in Sinai: Jubilee Volume, ed. Yitzhak Rafael (Jerusalem: Mossad HaRav Kook, 1987), pp. 471-486.

 

[18] “U-vikkashtem Mi-sham,” pp. 119-120. For discussions of this essay by Rabbi Soloveitchik, see especially Shalom Carmy, “On Cleaving as Identification: Rabbi Soloveitchik’s Account of Devekut in U-Vikkashtem Mi-Sham,” Tradition 41:2 (Summer 2008), pp. 100-112; and see also Reuven Ziegler, Majesty and Humility: The Thought of Rabbi Joseph B. Soloveitchik (Jerusalem-New York: Urim-OU Press, 2012), pp. 344-389.

 

[19] The section on Rabbi Carmy is adapted from my earlier article, “The Literary-Theological Study of Tanakh,” published as an afterword to Moshe Sokolow’s Tanakh: An Owner’s Manual: Authorship, Canonization, Masoretic Text, Exegesis, Modern Scholarship and Pedagogy (Brooklyn, NY: Ktav, 2015), pp. 192-207; reprinted in my Peshat Isn’t So Simple: Essays on Developing a Religious Methodology to Bible Study (New York: Kodesh Press, 2014), pp. 118-136. My essay draws from Rabbi Carmy’s article, “Perfect Harmony,” First Things (December, 2010), at https://www.firstthings.com/article/2010/12/perfect-harmony. Accessed July 11, 2017.

 

[20] Of the 117 verses in the Song of Songs, some sixty-one are spoken by the woman, and only thirty-three by the man. She initiates their encounters more frequently than he, and she gets the last word in all but two dialogues. The woman takes to the streets alone at night to search for her beloved (3:1-4; 5:6-7), and even the secondary characters marvel at her unusual behavior (cf. Yair Zakovitch, Mikra LeYisrael: Song of Songs [Hebrew] [Tel Aviv: Am Oved, 1992], pp. 11-14).

 

[21] Yuval Cherlow, Aharekha Narutzah: Peirush al Shir Ha-Shirim Be-Tosefet Mavo U-Perek Siyyum al Mashmaut Shir Ha-Shirim Le-Yameinu (Hebrew) (Tel Aviv: Miskal-Yediot Aharonot and Hemed Books, 2003).

 

[22] For further discussion of his work, see my review essay, “Rabbi Yuval Cherlow’s Interpretation of the Song of Songs: Its Critical Role in Contemporary Religious Experience,” in my Revealed Texts, Hidden Meanings: Finding the Religious Significance in Tanakh (Jersey City, NJ: Ktav-Sephardic Publication Foundation, 2009), pp. 171-189; reprinted in Tradition 43:3 (Fall, 2010), pp. 17-28; and see also my Vision from the Prophet and Counsel from the Elders: A Survey of Nevi’im and Ketuvim (New York: OU Press, 2013), pp. 258-271.

 

[23] Reuven Ziegler, Majesty and Humility, p. 377. See further discussion of this theme in Rabbi Soloveitchik’s thought in Ziegler, pp. 72-78.

 

 

 

 

Ultimate Judgment: Thoughts for Parashat Pekudei

Angel for Shabbat, Parashat Pekudei

by Rabbi Marc D. Angel

“These are the accounts of the tabernacle, the tabernacle of the testimony, as they were rendered according to the commandment of Moses…” (Shemot 28:21).

 

The Torah refers to the Mishkan as “tabernacle of the testimony.” It also refers to the “tablets of testimony” that are housed in the ark. What exactly is the “testimony” about?

One explanation is that the “testimony” is about us! The Mishkan, ark and tablets of the law all stand in judgment of us. They “testify” whether or not we are living up to the high standards they represent.

The Torah offers a revolutionary teaching for humanity at large: people are responsible for their actions and will have to answer to the Almighty. 

The Talmud enlarges this principle: the Heavenly court deals with us by the exact same standards that we use to deal with others (Sotah 8b). If we are kind and compassionate, we can expect to be judged by God with kindness and compassion. If we are cruel and unfair to others, we can expect the Heavenly court to deal with us with the same qualities we have shown.  Our own deeds “testify” for or against us.

"Midah keNeged Midah"--being judged measure for measure—relates not just to private individuals, but to political leaders and nations who act and speak hypocritically and hatefully. They may appear to be powerful now but they will one day stand before the Heavenly Court. The standards they use to judge others are the same standards that will be used by the Heavenly court to judge them.

Sometimes, people think they can advance themselves politically or economically by engaging in immoral behavior. They may seem to prosper but, in fact, they are condemning themselves to stand before God with blood on their hands. They do not understand that their immorality will come back to haunt them.

During the past months, we have witnessed abuse, malice and violence perpetrated against the State of Israel and against the Jewish People. Various world "leaders" and media figures have maligned Israel in malicious ways. Other world "leaders" and media figures have remained silent, or tepid in their support of Israel. Demagogues have fomented anti-Israel and anti-Semitic hatred; the UN has played its traditional role as the world's foremost agency for promoting anti-Semitism.  

We must remind the world that there is a God, that there is ultimate justice, that evil does not and cannot prevail. We can remind the world that those who demonstrate injustice, cruelty, and moral depravity in their attacks on Israel will be judged by the Heavenly court with these very same standards of harshness. 

Although we fully believe in the ultimate justice of the Heavenly court, this doesn't solve our problems here and now. What is our response to this wave of hatred, hypocrisy, and violence against Israel and the Jewish People? Here are some suggestions.

First, we need to pray, to turn to the Almighty for strength and guidance, to draw on our spiritual resources. We need to come together as a community.

We also need to be alert to the dangers, to be articulate spokespeople for the House of Israel, to let our elected officials know that we want loud and clear support of Israel, and loud and clear condemnation of those who threaten the very existence of Israel.

We need to let Israel know that we genuinely care, and that our fate is inextricably bound with the destiny of Israel. We need to travel to Israel, to invest in Israeli companies, to buy Israel bonds, to contribute to UJA and to important institutions in Israel. We need to buy Israeli products. We need to support those agencies that fight on behalf of Israel and on behalf of the Jewish People.

We need to do our best to demand justice and righteousness, to promote love and harmony among humanity, to fight against the forces of evil that threaten to undermine human civilization.

We need to remind ourselves that the Heavenly court will deal with each of us by the same standards with which we deal with others. Let those standards be the standards of honesty and goodness, fairness and compassion, integrity and strength of character. May God who brings peace in the heavenly spheres bring peace to us, to all Israel, and to all good people everywhere.

 

 

 

Sephardic Halakha, History, and the Israeli-Arab Conflict

             Since before the days of Israeli statehood, rabbis have written responsa about how the state should treat the minority Arab population. Following the Six Day War, these responsa expanded to address questions of how halakha views relinquishing Israeli territory, Arab sovereignty, and the treatment of terrorists (and their families), and more. Posekim (halakhic decisors) from both the Sephardic and Ashkenazic camps have written about these issues, and some of these responsa were written by Israeli chief rabbis over the last 70 years. In those teshuvot (responsa), the Sephardic chief rabbis tend to emphasize the importance of fair treatment for the Arab population, and post-1967, a willingness to trade land for peace. On the other hand, the Ashkenazic chief rabbis tend to view the biblical issue of lo tehonem (generally understood as the prohibition of allowing non-Jews to acquire territory in Israel) as a total, non-negotiable prohibition, and are unwilling to negotiate with Arab parties in any way that involves relinquishing territory.

This is not to say that there aren’t Ashkenazic posekim who have written in favor of Arab sovereignty or fair treatment of Arabs. However, this paper will focus on the piskei halakha of five former Israeli chief rabbis. From the Sephardic chief rabbis, I will be looking at the responsa of Benzion Uziel, Hayyim David Halevi, and Ovadia Yosef. Of the Ashkenazic ones, I will focus on Shlomo Goren and Avraham Shapira. I have chosen to limit my research to these five rabbis for two reasons. First, the number of teshuvot on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is vast and non-uniform; it would be difficult for me to make a broad statement about all of the Ashkenazic or Sephardic piskei halakha on this topic. Second, I want to write about rabbis who were clearly involved in political processes as well as religious ones, because part of my argument hinges on the political reality of Ashkenazim and Sephardim throughout history.

Why is there such a stark contrast between the way these Sephardic and Ashkenazic chief rabbis speak about Israeli-Arabs and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict? I believe that Sephardic piskei halakha about Israeli-Arabs and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict should not be viewed in a vacuum: rather, they are reflective of a Sephardic approach to halakha throughout history, and are also influenced by the treatment and role of Sephardim in Israel.

            First, I will define what I mean by Sephardic halakha. Then, I will speak in broad terms about the differences in how Sephardic and Ashkenazic halakha developed and offer a few reasons for those differences, based primarily on Zvi Zohar’s research. Then, I will speak about Sephardim in Israel in the twentieth century. Finally, I will discuss the differing halakhic opinions on Arabs and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict based on the five posekim mentioned above.

 

What Is Sephardic Halakha?

 

 Following the pogroms of 1391 and the expulsion of 1492, Jews from the Iberian Peninsula (Sephardim) resettled across the Middle East. However, they did not adopt the practices of the Jews who lived in the regions in which they resettled. Instead, Jews throughout the regions began to take on many of the new Sephardic Jews’ customs.[1] This trend was further amplified following the codification of Sephardic halakha in 1565 in Rabbi Yosef Caro’s Shulhan Arukh. Middle Eastern communities (except for the Jewish community of Yemen) generally accepted the text as authoritative,[2] which meant that many of the laws these communities were following came from a Spanish posek. Even Iraqi Jews, who had been the premier rabbinic authorities since the time of the Babylonian Talmud,[3] began to refer to themselves as Sephardic following the publication of the Shulhan Arukh.

 In the last century, the amalgamation of Sephardic and Middle Eastern halakha has grown further. Rav Ovadia Yosef, the Sephardic Chief Rabbi of Israel from 1973 to 1983, declared Rabbi Yosef Caro as the mara de’atra (master of the place) of Israel. Rav Ovadia believed that because Rav Yosef Caro lived and codified Jewish law in Israel, Sephardic and Middle Eastern Jews living in Israel should follow the halakha as stated in the Shulhan Arukh, and not their own local, traditional customs. This assertion was met with resistance by both Moroccan and Yemenite rabbis; the former rejected the claim that Rav Caro was the mara de’atra, and continued following their own customs.[4] Rav Ovadia even went so far as to criticize the Ben Ish Hai, one of the most prominent Iraqi posekim of the nineteenth century because he would cite Ashkenazic and Lurianic stringencies in his writings.[5] This claim angered many within Rav Ovadia’s own community. Despite some opposition, Rav Ovadia’s piskei halakha have become the most prominent contemporary Sephardic teshuvot, and Sephardim (and even many Ashkenazim) use his teshuvot to determine practical halakhic practice.

For these reasons, I will be referring to halakhic literature from the entire Middle East and North Africa as Sephardic halakha. This does not mean they are the same, and many of the most prominent “Sephardic” posekim are actually not from the Iberian Peninsula.

 

General Differences between Sephardic and Ashkenazic Halakha

 

Rabbi Marc Angel has argued that an essential difference between Ashkenazic and Sephardic posekim is that Ashkenazim tend to view the halakhic process as both an intellectual and metaphysical process. This meant that access to halakha was reserved for rabbinic figures, and when it was discussed, it was often in ways that neglected the real-life impact on the daily lives of people. On the other hand, Sephardic posekim have seen halakha as naturally woven into life, and not extraneous to it.[6] In his view, that difference in outlook helps to explain why Sephardim tend to be more lenient in their piskei halakha, while Ashkenazim are stringent and often adamant about retaining tradition. Angel also claims that Sephardic piskei halakha emphasize that religious observance should be enjoyable, and do not subscribe to the asceticism of many Ashkenazic responsa. In other words, in a line Angel quotes from Rav Hayyim Yosef David Azulai’s writings, Sephardi piskei halakha cling to the Kabbalistic notion of hessed (kindness) and Ashkenazic piskei halakha to gevura (heroism).

            Zvi Zohar names another distinction between the development of Sephardic and Ashkenazic halakha, and offers reasons for why these schools developed as they did. Zohar argues that unlike Ashkenazic posekim, who, following the Enlightenment, adopted the Hatam Sofer’s stance of hadash assur min haTorah (anything new is prohibited by the Torah), Sephardic posekim were willing to engage with innovation and treated each new question on its own terms. The first explanation Zohar offers for the difference in approach is what he terms “contextual-environmental”.[7] According to that approach, rabbinic responsa are a product of the contexts in which they are written. European Jewry did not know they were in the midst of a cultural revolution until after the French Revolution[8] and immediately following the revolution, the Reform movement was formed. In response, European posekim felt the need to curtail any innovative thought in halakha, because they were worried it would lead to the loss of halakhic practice altogether. On the other hand, Sephardic rabbis realized innovation was coming, because they saw European innovation before it began to happen in the Islamic world. Because they could see that the world was experiencing a fundamental shift, they did not think that adding more stringencies to would keep people invested in traditional Judaism.

Additionally, unlike the anti-religious nature of the European Enlightenment, reform in the Islamic world was not anti-clerical.[9] Rabbis in the Middle East were not suddenly dealing with a hostile, skeptical population, as were European rabbis. Because of that, they were able to approach new questions with greater flexibility.

            The other approach Zohar presents is what he terms “immanent factors,” or the Sephardic attitude in general toward halakha and Torah.[10] Sephardim believed that part of the Torah’s timelessness was its ability to be rediscovered in every era. They did not subscribe to the notion that anything new is forbidden by the Torah.

 Another “immanent factor” affecting the development of Sephardic religious worldview was the openness to philosophy and secular studies.[11] Because Sephardim valued the study of math, medicine, and other subjects, rabbis were expected to have knowledge and expertise in these topics. An example of this attitude can be found in Rabbi Israel Moshe Hazan’s Sefer She’erit haNahala. Hazan praised enlightenment thinkers such as Moses Mendelssohn for “restoring the Holy Tongue,” and was not critical of them, as Ashkenazic rabbis often were.[12] Interestingly, one of the critiques hurled at Rav Ovadia Yosef from other Sephardic rabbis was that his objection to learning secular studies, such as science and art, was directly in contrast to how Sephardic posekim historically viewed engaging with those subjects.[13]

Zohar offers many examples of these Sephardic attitudes from across the Sephardic world. One example of this attitude toward innovation can be seen through a teshuva written by Rabbi Abdallah Somekh, the leading posek in nineteenth-century Iraq. In 1877, Jews living in India asked Rabbi Somekh if they could travel by train on Shabbat, if they paid before Shabbat. An Ashkenazic rabbi had ruled against it because he considered it to be uvda d’hol (weekday activity), but Rabbi Somekh ruled that although one could not use an intercity train on Shabbat (an issue of traveling outside of the tehum, or distance one is allowed to travel on Shabbat) there were no issue of uvda d’hol when traveling by local train on Shabbat.[14] Rabbi Somekh did not assume that new technology was automatically problematic on Shabbat. Instead, he looked closely at each individual example (in this case, the intercity versus local train) and made a separate, specific decision for each case.

 

Sephardic Piskei Halakha about Non-Jews in the Nineteenth Century

 

Sephardic piskei halakha about non-Jews in the nineteenth century often focused on the merits of non-Jewish people, society, and language. Rabbi Abdallah Somekh’s writings serve as a good example for the prevalent attitudes and practices of the Sephardic world at large because he served not only as the posek for Jews in Iraq, but also for those who settled in India and other parts of Asia. He also was the teacher of a number of important Sephardic rabbis, so his teachings continued to have influence beyond his life. Jews around the globe turned to “Babylonian rabbis,” and to Somekh specifically in the nineteenth century. One striking example is a teshuva by Rabbi Somekh about hiring a non-Jew to extinguish a gas light in a synagogue on Friday night. An earlier rabbi had ruled it was permissible to do so, because if a fire would erupt, the non-Jews might attack the Jews in response.[15] However, Rabbi Somekh prohibited this practice, because he thought it was unlikely that the gas light would start a fire. He adds, though, that if there was a fire, it would not cause the non-Jews to cast libel, because the non-Jews and Jews “all have become almost as one people.”[16] Rabbi Somekh thought that the integration of Jews and their neighbors was positive, even to the point that halakha could change and reflect that integration. 

Rabbi Israel Hazan also had favorable ideas about the Arabs among whom he lived. In She’erit ha-Nahala (written in 1862), he referred to the Arabs as “gentiles influenced by the positive side of reality.”[17] In a fictional dialogue in the book between a European Jew and a Middle Eastern Jew, the Europeans refers to all “Orientals” (both Jews and non-Jews) as colorful and different. Rabbi Hazan, like Rabbi Somekh, believed there was a strong feeling of unity between Jew and non-Jew.

 

Sephardim in Israel during the Mandate Era

 

As is clear from the halakhic literature mentioned above, some Sephardic posekim spoke favorably of their non-Jewish neighbors. Without generalizing about relations between Jews and non-Jews in Muslim lands, there were positive elements in these relations.  However, the prevalent narrative of Arab-Jewish relations in Israel today is that Jews under Islam lived with under difficult conditions; when Israel was founded, they were forcibly evicted from their homes.[18]  But this tells only one part of the long, complex story.[19]

            Abigail Jacobson and Moshe Naor argue that Sephardic Jews during the British Mandate saw themselves as the clear mediators between the surrounding Arabs and Ashkenazic Jews, because they were culturally and linguistically similar to the Arabs, and had lived amongst them for centuries. The Association of the Pioneers of the East is a strong example of an organization with this belief. Founded in 1918 by Bney Ha’Aretz (Jews who had lived in Palestine pre-World War II), the organization attempted to build a bridge between Jews and Arabs through cultural and educational initiatives.[20] In 1920, the organization combined with the Council of the Sephardic Community in Jerusalem (though each also maintained its own identity), and created the General Organization of Sephardic Jews. One of the goals of that organization was also to develop a positive relationship between Arabs and Jews.[21] After the Arab Revolt of 1936, former members of the Association of the Pioneers of the East founded a political party called the “Liberal Party,” whose goal was to mend the Arab-Jewish relationship.[22]

 However, during the Mandate period, Ashkenazic Zionist leaders prevented Sephardic Jews from ascending to political power. To the Ashkenazim, Sephardim did not fit into the pattern of Zionism as a European nationalist movement.[23] As a result, Sephardim were forced to demonstrate their commitment to Zionism.[24]

Sephardim were outraged by their exclusion from the Zionist organizations. The Union of Sephardic and Oriental Jews in the Land of Israel, founded in 1939, criticized the Jewish Agency for not including Sephardim in a delegation in England in 1939. The Chief Rabbi of Egypt, Yosef Katawi Pasha, also criticized the Ashkenazim for ignoring and excluding Sephardim.[25] Rabbi Katawi even rejected the Peel Commission in favor of a binational state.[26] Notably, though he was of Sephardic descent, Rabbi Benzion Uziel managed to work his way up the political ladder. He was the only Sephardic included in the delegation to England in 1939, and he did not criticize the Yishuv organizations as many of the other prominent Sephardic figures did.

            I believe this history is relevant because the teshuvot written by the Sephardic chief rabbis below are undoubtedly affected by the history of those who wrote them. If the posekim viewed themselves as the inheritors of a tradition of peacemakers between Jews and Arabs, one must view their halakhic writings as a continuation of that tradition. 

 

Israeli-Arabs and the Conflict in Halakhic Literature

 

All of this brings us to examine the attitudes of Sephardic posekim toward Arabs and the conflict. Of the list I mentioned earlier, there is somebody notably missing, and that is Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook. Rabbi Kook was the first Ashkenazic Chief Rabbi in Mandatory Palestine. Rabbi Kook’s works have famously been used as the mantra for the settlement movement. However, it is difficult to know how Rabbi Kook felt about Arab autonomy, because he died before the state was established. He clearly believed strongly in the power of the Land of Israel, and the power of the Jewish presence in the land. However, many of Rabbi Kook’s writings were interpreted by his son, Rabbi Tzvi Yehuda Kook, and then used as the basis for the settlement movement after 1967.[27] It is unclear if Rabbi A.I. Kook was as inherently political as his son, or if his writings were misconstrued in a way to fit Rabbi T.Y. Kook’s and Gush Emunim’s ideology.

Still, there are certain writings that offer a glimpse into Rabbi Kook’s philosophy around non-Jews and innovation at large. Rabbi Marc Angel writes about three issues where Rabbi Uziel and Rabbi Kook differed, and they are reflective of traditional Ashkenazic and Sephardic attitudes. The first was in his approach to conversion: Rabbi Kook believed that people could not convert for marriage, and they needed to keep all of the mitzvoth upon becoming a Jew. Rabbi Kook felt that only the best non-Jews could become a part of the Jewish people.[28] Second, Rabbi Kook thought that the issue of conducting an autopsy on a body (the prohibition of nivul hamet, desecration of the body of the deceased) only existed for Jews, and that autopsies could be performed on non-Jews. Finally, Rabbi Kook did not support women’s suffrage.

Rabbi Uziel harbored different attitudes toward non-Jews and innovation. He felt that if a person came with the intent to convert in order to marry a Jew, the person should be allowed to convert, and even if they did not know all of the mitzvoth. Rabbi Uziel emphasized the need to ensure that the children from these marriages would be Jewish. Rabbi Uziel also ruled that if done respectfully, both Jewish and non-Jewish bodies could be used for medical autopsies. He believed the prohibition of nivul hamet applied to Jews and non-Jews alike, because “there is no difference between Jews and non-Jews, in the sense that all are created in the image of God.”[29] Finally, Rabbi Uziel ruled that women should be allowed to vote and hold public office. He did not see the lack of historic precedent as a reason to deny women this basic right.[30] Rabbi Uziel generally took a more universalistic outlook, based on the fact that all human beings are created in the image of God. Rabbi Kook generally took a more particularistic outlook, less open to change.

Rabbi Uziel spoke specifically about the Arabs. He called on the Jewish state to extend a true hand of peace to the Arab nations, because “the Jewish people are a nation of peace.”[31] Rabbi Uziel called for peace with all of the people in the land of all backgrounds and religions.[32]

The tradition of writing in favor of peace with the Arabs and rights for the Arab minorities did not end with Rabbi Uziel. Rabbi Hayyim David Halevi, the Chief Rabbi of Tel Aviv from 1973 to 1998, was a devoted student of Rabbi Uziel. He received a question based on an anecdote from Yebamot, which explained the story of the Gibeonites in Samuel. Rabbi Yohanan explains that David put Saul’s sons to death as a way to placate the Gibeonites, because many had died at the hand of Saul when he killed their priests, who they depended on for their livelihood.[33] Rabbi Yohanan calls the killing of the Gibeonites a hillul Hashem b’farhesia (desecration of God’s name in public), and the only way to repair it was by exacting retribution, which is what David did.[34] The questioner was outraged: Should Jews pay credence to the slander of the non-Jews? Why are Jews put to death for the sake of what non-Jews think?

 Rabbi Halevi answered that this story in the Talmud actually teaches how Jews must treat the minorities that live among them. Israel has an obligation to give charity to all its citizens and ensure they are able to earn a livelihood. By treating them well, Israel makes a “kiddush shem shamayim v’shem yisrael ba’olam” (a sanctification of God’s name and Israel’s name in the world.)[35] For Rabbi Halevi, there was a text-based precedent for fair treatment of non-Jews that applied in the contemporary context. 

Rabbi Shlomo Goren and Rabbi Avraham Shapira wrote much more explicitly about land for peace than earlier Ashkenazic chief rabbis (such as Rabbi Kook), which makes it easier to analyze their writings in relation to the Sephardic Chief rabbis. This is true because the piskei halakha of theirs that I am referencing were written after the Six Day War. It is easiest to analyze Rabbi Goren’s writings in comparison to Rav Ovadia’s, because they wrote about the same issue.

Rabbi Ovadia’s responsum is notable because it is such an outlier in the Religious-Zionist world. The teshuva, titled Mesirat Shetahim Me’eretz Yisrael B’makom Pikuah Nefesh (giving away land in Israel in order to save life), was first presented in a lecture in 1989 at Mossad HaRav Kook, and was later published in a number of other places. It is a 14-page, 10-section responsum, where Rabbi Yosef rules that if it is clear, beyond all doubt, that giving land to the Arabs will result in peace, the government may give land to the Arabs, because no mitzva comes before saving a life. In the case of pikuah nefesh, Rav Ovadia ruled emphatically that the prohibition of lo tehonem is set aside. Rav Ovadia explains that even the Ramban, who considers living in Israel as a Torah obligation, does not believe that holding onto territory at the risk of one’s life is necessary.[36] He also adds that because Israel does not have full control of the territories gained post-1967, it is not considered to be the full occupation (kivush gamur) that is required for ownership by the Torah, so it is not a problem to relinquish that land to other people.[37]

Rabbi Goren ruled that there is never a circumstance that would allow the state to give land to the Arabs. Unlike Rav Ovadia, Rabbi Goren believed that according to the Ramban, every day that Israel does not annex the West Bank (and Gaza) fully, they are failing to fulfill the mitzva of inheriting the land (lareshet).[38] He believed that Israel does, in fact, have halakhic sovereignty over the land, because conquering land through war is a halakhically valid way to acquire land.[39] Additionally, Rabbi Goren believed that it was prohibited to cede land because of lo tehonem,[40] but even if the state chooses to give up sovereignty politically, that act of relinquishing would not have any bearing on the land’s halakhic status.[41] Rabbi Goren wrote that although individual Arabs may be given rights, the prohibition of lo tehonem prevents Israel from allowing the Arabs as a whole to be given a national homeland on Israel’s territory.[42]

            Rabbi Avraham Shapira protested the expulsion of Jews from Gush Katif in 2005 for similar reasons as those outlined by Rabbi Goren. He believed that the Israeli government, soldiers, and everyday citizens were all prohibited from giving land to Palestinians under the prohibition of lo tehonem and because of the positive commandment of yishuv eretz yisrael.[43] Rabbi Shapira believed that included in this prohibition was the requirement of every soldier to refuse (non-violently) to obey an order to remove Jews from their homes[44] (a point that Rabbi Goren makes as well in the teshuva above).[45] Shapira adds that there is no question of obeying the law of the land (dina de’malkhuta dina) in this case, because the government is acting against the Torah. He ends the teshuva by stating that only the greatest talmidei hakhamim should write piskei halakha on these issues,[46] which leads one to wonder which posekim Shapira considered unqualified to deal with these questions.

 

Conclusion

 

            Why do Rabbis Uziel and Halevi advocate for fair treatment and rights to minorities, whereas Rabbi A. I. Kook’s writings pointed in a different direction? Why was Rabbi Ovadia Yosef willing to allow land to be exchanged for peace, while Rabbis Goren and Shapira vehemently opposed any relinquishing of land or Arab autonomy, and even advocated for Israeli citizens to protest the government’s decision to evacuate Jews? I have argued throughout this paper that these attitudes are not random. Sephardic piskei halakha have historically been more universalist in orientation and more accepting of non-Jews and non-Jewish customs than Ashkenazic piskei halakha. Additionally, Sephardic Jews have historically seen themselves and have been seen by their neighbors as part of the Arab world.

 

Notes

 

 

[1] Joseph Ringel, “The Construction and Deconstruction of the Ashkenazi vs. Sephardic/Mizrahi Dichotomy in Israeli Culture: Rabbi Eliyahou Zini vs. Rabbi Ovadia Yosef,” Israel Studies, Vol 21 No 2 (Indiana University Press, 2016), 184.

[2] Ibid.

[3] Ibid.

[4] Ibid., 186.

[5] Ibid., 186.

[6] Marc Angel, “Reflections on Halakah and Piety,” Conversations, 13 13–25. 2012.

[7] Zvi Zohar, Rabbinic Creativity in the Modern Middle East (Bloomsbury Publishing, 2013), 355.

[8] Ibid., 356.

[9] Ibid., 357.

[10] Ibid., 360.

[11] Ibid., 365.

[12] Ibid., 209.

[13] Ringel, 187.

[14] Zohar, 25.

[15] Ibid., 28g.

[16] Ibid.

[17] Ibid, 216.

[18] Abigail Jacobson, Moshe Naor. Oriental Neighbors: Middle Eastern Jews and Arabs in Mandatory Palestine (Brandeis University Press, 2016), 2.

[19] Jacobson, Naor, 2.

[20] Ibid., 31.

[21] Ibid., 18.

[22] Ibid., 33.

[23] Ibid., 18.

[24] Ibid., 20.

[25] Ibid., 41.

[26] Ibid., 42.

[27] “The Emergence of Jewish Fundamentalism in Historical Perspective” (https://www.sas.upenn.edu/penncip/lustick/lustick12.html).

[28] Marc Angel, “Rabbi Kook and Rabbi Uziel: Two Posekim, Two Approaches,” Conversations, 32 77–88, 2018.

[29] Quoted in Angel, from Piskei Uziel, Mossad haRav Kook, Jerusalem 5737, no. 32, pp. 178–179.

[30]Quoted in Angel, from Piskei Uziel, no. 44.

[31] Benzion Uziel, Mikhmani Uziel (Republished in Hebrewbooks.org, originally 1939), 330.

[32] Uziel, 424. For a full discussion of Rabbi Uziel’s teachings, see Marc D. Angel, Loving Truth and Peace: The Grand Religious Worldview of Rabbi Benzion Uziel,” Jason Aranson, Northvale, 1999.

[33] Yebamot 79b, Talmud Bavli.

[34] David Ellenson, After Emancipation: Jewish Religious Responses to Modernity (Hebrew Union College Press, 2004), 411.

[35] Hayyim David Halevi, Asei Lekha Rav 7:70–71. For a full discussion of Rabbi Halevi’s teachings, see Marc D. Angel (with Rabbi Hayyim Angel), Rabbi Haim David Halevy: Gentle Scholar and Courageous Thinker, Urim, Jerusalem, 2006.

[36] Ovadia Yosef, Mesirat Shetahim Me'Eretz Yisrael B'Makom Pikuah Nefesh (Republished in Tehumin, originally published 1989), 10.

[37] Yosef, 11.

[38] Shlomo Goren, Ma'Amadam HaHilkhati Shel Yehuda, Shomron, Hevel, V'Aza (Pninei Halakha, Ha'Am v'HaAretz, 2012), 258.

[39] Ibid., 260.

[40] Ibid., 264.

[41] Ibid., 261.

[42]Ibid., 269.

[43] Avraham Shapira, Teshuva b’Inyan Gerush Yehudim (Republished in Pninei Halakha, Ha’Am v’Ha’aretz, 2012), 299. 

[44] Shapira, 300.

[45] Goren, 270, 272.

[46] Shapira, 301.

Remembering and Appreciating Some Special Teachers

           

     I joined the debating society of Franklin High School in Seattle during my junior year. I joined because I was relatively shy and not a very good speaker. By rights, the debate coach—Mrs. Eva Doupe (pronounced Du-pay) shouldn’t have accepted me. But she did. And that literally changed my life.

Mrs. Doupe had faith in her students. She encouraged us, challenged us, criticized us, honed our talents, forgave our shortcomings. She had high expectations, and she expected us to work hard. She was rightly regarded as one of the best high school debate coaches in the State of Washington, and her students did well in the various debate tournaments in which they participated.

Aside from improving our oratorical skills, she taught us the importance of preparing thoroughly. Each year, the National Forensic League issued a topic that all schools would debate for that school year. We had to research the topic and be able to make a strong case both for and against the resolution at hand.

I asked Mrs. Doupe, “If we feel strongly about the affirmative or negative cases, why can’t we just debate on the side that we believe in?” She answered: The goal of debate is to make us think carefully about opposite ways of looking at the same question. If we must argue both the affirmative and negative positions, we learn how to value both sides. There are compelling arguments pro and con, and we need to open our minds to seeing things from opposing angles.

She also taught us the art of “impromptu” speaking. She would prepare topics on slips of paper and put them in a basket. She then called on each of us to draw a topic, think about it for 30 seconds, and then deliver a five-minute talk on it. She gave us rules: Start with a catchy opening statement; formulate an outline of what you want to say; conclude with a strong line. Don’t bluff. Don’t pretend to know something when you don’t know it. Don’t speak longer than five minutes, but not too much less either. No er’s or um’s. Speak with clarity and confidence. Have eye contact with your listeners.

In order to succeed at impromptu speaking, she emphasized the importance of reading widely, thinking about issues in the news, drawing on personal experience, relating to the interests and concerns of the audience. Don’t speak at people, but engage with them.

As a Junior in Mrs. Doupe’s class at Franklin High School, little did I imagine that I would spend the bulk of my lifetime as a rabbi, public speaker, and communicator of ideas.

 

* * *

 

When I was a senior at Franklin High School in Seattle, my teacher for Language Arts was Mr. James Britain. Even after these many years, I remember him and his class quite vividly.

I invariably got A grades on all my papers. But once, Mr. Britain marked my paper with a D. I think I learned more from that D than from all my A papers. What was the paper about, and what did I learn?

Mr. Britain often presented the class with challenging assignments. Once, he asked us to walk around the outside of the school building and to observe its architectural details. Another assignment was to study a painting and analyze it as carefully as possible—its colors, perspective, lighting, etc. His goal was to teach us to “see,” to focus on detail, to look for the usual and the unusual.

One day, he played a recording of atonal electronic music for the class and asked us to write our impressions. I was outraged by this “music” and wrote a scathing essay condemning it. This was not music at all! It was a cacophony of senseless screeching, painful to the ear. Mr. Britain gave me a D on this paper. He wrote me a one line comment: “In order to learn, you must open your mind to new ideas.”

When I spoke to him afterward about my “unfair” grade, he calmly explained that I had entirely missed the point of the assignment. He indicated that I should have listened carefully, with an open mind; I should have tried to understand the intentions of the composer; I should have put aside my preconceived notions so as to experience the music on its terms—not on mine. Only after I had processed the experience with an open mind was I entitled to offer my judgments about it. Think carefully, don’t rant.

That was one of the most valuable lessons I’ve ever learned—and one of the most difficult to apply.

We all have fixed ideas on a great many topics. It is often painful to hear opinions that conflict with our sure understanding of life. New ideas, unusual approaches, unconventional artistic expressions—these are difficult to absorb. It is tempting—and usual—to shut off ideas that challenge our own views and tastes. It is very common for those who have different views to talk at each other, or to talk against each other; it is far less common for people actually to listen to each other, to try sincerely to understand the ideas and approaches of others. To open our minds to new ideas demands tremendous self-control and humility.

 

* * *

 

September 1963 was the first time I got on an airplane. My friend Morrie Butnick and I flew to New York to begin our freshman year at Yeshiva College.

In those days, Seattle was a relatively small city with a tiny Jewish population. Coming to New York was an amazing change of venue—a bustling city of millions, and a large and diverse Jewish community. It was an exciting time, and eye-opening in so many ways.

One of the most powerful eye-openers for me was Professor Irving (Yitz) Greenberg, who taught Western Civilization. For me, and probably for many other out-of-towners, this was the first experience with a teacher who was an Orthodox rabbi with a Ph.D from Harvard. Dr. Greenberg was young, tall, somewhat gangly, with an engaging smile. To me and many others, he was a model of the synthesis between traditional Torah learning and general secular education. One could simultaneously be a learned rabbi and a world-class historian.

Dr. Greenberg was a phenomenal teacher. His lectures were riveting. He engaged us in conversation, invited questions, and spoke with genuine enthusiasm. He assigned many and diverse readings, including readings from the New Testament. Some students objected to being assigned to read texts from another religion. Dr. Greenberg then announced that the readings in the New Testament were optional, and no one had to read them who felt uncomfortable doing so. But he reminded us that the New Testament/Christianity were basic components of Western Civilization and that it would be valuable for us to have some basic knowledge of them.

Dr. Greenberg was (and still is!) a unique figure in the Orthodox Jewish world. While deeply committed to tradition, he is something of a revolutionary. As a historian aware of historical process, he sees Judaism as a living organism that naturally evolves with time. He, and his wife Blu, were pioneers of Orthodox Jewish feminism. He was—and is—an articulate and often lonely voice for interfaith dialogue—not merely friendly conversation, but deep discussion of the basic elements of faith and spirituality that unite and separate us. His writings and lectures on the Holocaust are classics for those seeking to understand the spiritual and intellectual framework of that nightmare of human history.

Because he was a creative and original thinker, he was often marginalized by the arch-traditionalists who feared and resented his teachings. That made him an intellectual and religious martyr of sorts—and this very notoriety contributed to his great popularity among his students!

Rabbi Dr. Irving Greenberg taught us so much in his courses on Western Civilization. But perhaps the greatest thing we learned from him was to candidly face the challenges of being traditional Orthodox Jews while being true to the demands of modernity. To be an Orthodox Jew, even a rabbi, did not entail turning off our minds. Quite the contrary. The grandeur of Judaism is best approached with a searching mind and a yearning heart.

 

* * *

 

Rabbi Dr. Maurice Wohlgelernter, known popularly among his students as "The Reb," passed away on Saturday night June 22, 2013.

I first met The Reb in September 1963, as a freshman in his English 101 class at Yeshiva College. He was an astonishing teacher. He demanded clarity in our writing, marking each of our papers with an overly active red pen. He crushed our egos with his harsh grades—but he taught us, and taught us very well. To get an A from The Reb made it all worthwhile!

His career was multi-faceted. He served for many years as Rabbi of a synagogue in uptown Manhattan. He taught English writing and literature at Yeshiva College, Baruch College, and later at Touro College and NYU. No one who took The Reb for a course can ever forget him.

He was devoted to the study of Torah and Talmud. He was in the first class of Rabbi Joseph B. Soloveitchik, and he was the one who coined the title "the Rav" for Rabbi Soloveitchik. The Reb studied Talmud all through his lifetime, and always saw himself as a yeshiva bochur.

He earned his Ph.D. in English literature at Columbia University, and went on to author books and articles on literary topics. He was a master stylist who valued the power of words. Well into his 80s, he was writing and publishing significant articles, including several in our Institute's journal, Conversations.

The first wedding the Reb performed as a young rabbi was for one of his classmates, Paul Schuchalter and his wife Dorothy. Rabbi and Mrs. Schuchalter are my wife's parents—my in-laws. When Gilda and I were married in 1967, The Reb recited one of the Sheva Berakhot. We retained our friendship over the years, meeting regularly for a cup of coffee, some literary discussion, analysis of issues in the Jewish world, and more. It was a singular honor and privilege to have enjoyed this friendship for just about 50 years.

I always thought that "The Reb" had another significance: the Rebel. And that is what he was. He rebelled against nonsense and hypocrisy. He had no patience for superficial glitz and inflated egos of overly comfortable establishment figures. He was a source of agitation to those who feared his sharp tongue, his utter unpredictability, his energy, his intellectual restlessness. Perhaps he was such an amazingly popular teacher precisely because he was a rebel who brooked no nonsense, who was committed to truth at all costs. He had a phenomenal sense of humor, but he took life and ideas very seriously.

I am grateful for having had the privilege of being part of his world. He was one of a kind, unforgettable. He will always remain—for all of us who knew him—a source of blessing, strength and wisdom, and he will always be prodding us to follow his inspiration in being devoted to truth, in being a rebel against shallowness, mediocrity, and hypocrisy.

 

* * *

 

The Kotzker Rebbe (1787–1859) was an insightful Hassidic master whose wisdom continues to impact on thinking Jews of our times. He made an important observation based on the fact that the Torah was originally given and taught in Midbar Sinai, the wilderness of Sinai.

He taught as follows: The Divine Presence only rests on one who sees him/herself as being in the wilderness. No matter how much one has learned, he/she still remains in a place that is vast and untouched—i.e., there is so much more to know. And just as a wilderness remains empty and unproductive unless it is seriously cultivated, so a person remains empty and unproductive unless that person expends tremendous energy and effort to attain wisdom. Only such a person can merit genuine knowledge of Torah and the blessing of being touched by the Divine Presence.

The Kotzker Rebbe had little patience for pseudo-scholars and pseudo-intellectuals. He was repelled by the phenomenon of self-contented, self-righteous and arrogant individuals whose vanity made them think they were great and important. He despised sham piety, pretentiousness, and inflated egotism.

I was recently reminiscing with a friend about our years at Yeshiva College during the 1960s. One of the teachers who made a lasting impact on me (and on so many others) was Professor Alexander Litman. Dr. Litman taught philosophy in a unique way. He took a topic from Plato and suddenly—he WAS Socrates. He asked us questions, probed all aspects of the issue, he challenged our assumptions. He made us think! Other professors of philosophy may have given academic discussions about philosophers: Dr. Litman was a philosopher.

I remember Dr. Litman’s slow and deliberate way of speaking, his cryptic smile, the sparkle in his eye when he made a particularly clever remark. He would end class with an announcement: “We will meet again on Thursday…if there is a Thursday.”

Dr. Litman knew a tremendous amount. But like Socrates, he saw himself as a searcher for truth. He understood that in spite of all that he had read and learned, he was still in a wilderness, far from achieving ultimate truth. He might well have identified with the words of Socrates: “And I am called wise, for my hearers always imagine that I myself possess the wisdom which I find wanting in others: but the truth is, O men of Athens, that God only is wise;…he is only using my name by way of illustration as if he said: He, O men, is the wisest, who like Socrates, knows that his wisdom is in truth worth nothing.”

The Kotzker Rebbe probably never read Plato, and Dr. Litman may not have been familiar with the teachings of the Kotzker. But both of these men, like all genuine teachers, understood the essential qualities required of those who strive for wisdom: humility, critical thinking, hard work. Both of these men, like all genuine teachers, taught their students to think, to reject glib and superficial people who pretend to be learned or wise.

Students are those whose minds are active, interested, searching. Non-students are those who are intellectually stagnant, vacuous, self-contented. Students always feel they are in a wilderness, with so much more to learn and so much territory that needs to be cultivated. Non-students feel they know a lot, that they have truth in their pocket, that they are smarter and cleverer than most everyone else.

 

* * *

 

When I think back on my years at Yeshiva College (1963–1967), I am forever grateful for having studied with a number of truly remarkable professors. One of the best was Dr. Louis H. Feldman (October 29, 1926–March 25, 2017).

Dr. Feldman taught classical languages. He had very few students—there were four of us in my Latin class. When I registered for Latin, one of the upperclassmen warned me: Feldman is a very tough teacher; you should avoid him if you can. But instead of discouraging me, that warning whetted my curiosity.

Aside from teaching us Latin, Dr. Feldman taught us how to think critically. While I have forgotten most of my Latin, I have not forgotten his intellectual guidance.

In his lectures, he gave us the following notice. “Everything I tell you might be true or might be false. But if you ask me a question, I’ll always give you the correct answer.” We had to listen carefully when he spoke; and we had to use our critical faculties to assess whether the information he was giving us was true or false. If something sounded wrong, we had to ask him for clarification. His basic point was: Don’t rely on authorities, not even your own professor. Think for yourself; think carefully and analytically.

Sure enough, on one of his exams we all answered a question “correctly,” and we all were marked wrong. When we objected, since we only wrote down what he himself taught us, he replied with a wry smile: “Yes, but I wasn’t telling the truth then! You should have been more perceptive, you should have challenged me.” So we all received poor grades on that exam; but we learned a lesson that transcended Latin: We learned to be attentive, critical, self-reliant.

Dr. Feldman assigned us to write a paper that we would present to the class orally. Since I was taking a class in Chaucer at the time, I decided to write a paper on Virgil’s influence on Chaucer. When it was time for me to present my paper, Dr. Feldman sat in the back of the room. No sooner had I made my first point, Dr. Feldman raised his hand. “How do you know that Chaucer drew that phrase from Virgil? Maybe he came up with it himself?” I was a bit flustered, but replied with some confidence: “Professor Thompson, who is a foremost authority on Chaucer, wrote specifically that this passage was drawn from Virgil.” Dr. Feldman said: “I don’t care what Professor Thompson or anyone else thought. You have to demonstrate that in fact Chaucer was drawing on this passage from Virgil. Quoting this professor or that professor does not make something true.” “But he’s an authority,” I replied. “Don’t rely on authorities,” said Dr. Feldman. “Analyze things for yourself. Citing an authority doesn’t prove your point.”

That was a powerful lesson that has stayed with me over the years. Whereas it is very common in religious life to rely on “authorities,” Dr. Feldman taught us to think for ourselves. Yes, we certainly can and should learn from scholars, but ultimately we need to make evaluations of our own. Because rabbi X or authority Y said something does not in itself make something true.

Dr. Feldman had strict rules when it came to submitting our papers. He would deduct one third of a grade for every five typos/misspelled words/grammatical errors. We had to proofread our papers very carefully before handing them in; we knew that he graded strictly. The first paper I ever published was a term paper I wrote for Dr. Feldman comparing five English translations of the Aeneid. Dr. Feldman submitted the paper on my behalf to the Classical Journal—and it was published during my senior year at Yeshiva College.

Aside from his brilliance as a teacher, he was a singular role model. He was not only a world-class scholar of Greek and Latin; he was a Torah scholar who could often be seen in the Bet Midrash well into the night as he studied Talmud. He was serious, but very witty; he had a ubiquitous smile and dry sense of humor. He was strict but not austere. He was demanding but not pedantic.

It is one of the unique joys of life to have studied with great teachers. It is one of the unique qualities of great teachers to expand the intellectual horizons of their students. Dr. Louis H. Feldman was that kind of teacher and that kind of human being.

 

* * *

 

When I had been in the rabbinate for only a few years, I asked myself a painful question: What could I possibly do in order to succeed? I was working with as much energy and self-sacrifice as I could muster, and yet nothing seemed to be changing. Was I prepared to spend a lifetime spinning wheels or treading water?

I discussed my dilemma with Rabbi Meyer Simcha Feldblum, my Talmud teacher at Yeshiva University. Rabbi Feldblum reminded me of a talmudic lesson. When the priest in the Temple in ancient Jerusalem was grinding the spices for the incense offering, someone was required to stand by him and say: “Grind them fine, grind them fine.” The reason is that “The voice is beneficial for spices.” Yet what benefit could a voice have in this process?

Rabbi Feldblum answered: The priest would inevitably reach the point where he thought that his grinding made no difference and that nothing was happening. He would want to stop. So he needed someone to encourage him: You may think that you are not accomplishing anything, but you are perfecting the spices. Keep at it. Ultimately your grinding does make a difference.

This lesson applies to all who wish to transmit the teachings of Torah to their children, grandchildren, students, and members of the larger community. The work will often seem to be in vain, yielding no visible results. But we must continue our task with selfless devotion. Something is happening. We may not see the results now, and we may never live long enough to see the results—but something is happening. The words and teachings of Torah are being planted. They will eventually take root. They will blossom.

Maimonides has taught that the religious person must be a model of human excellence: gentle, honest, friendly, and courteous. People should look at that person and wish to follow the example, recognizing that Torah has the power to create such ideal individuals.

Those who wish to transmit Judaism must strive to be exemplars of Judaism at its best. Being a religious Jew means living with failure, personal and communal. It means falling short, feeling lonely and misunderstood. But if we ourselves can strive to reach our ideals, and if we can convey our ideals to others with sincere devotion, we can lead lives imbued with genuine meaning. And that is success.

 

* * *

 

Haham Solomon Gaon passed away on 19 Tevet 5755 (December 22, 1994). During the course of his lifetime, he impacted on many thousands of people. He served for many years as the Haham of the Spanish and Portuguese community in London; and was the founder and director of the Sephardic Studies Program at Yeshiva University in New York.

As one of Haham Gaon’s first students at Yeshiva University in 1963, I want to share a few thoughts about a man who was not merely a teacher, but a mentor and friend. Had I not studied with Haham Gaon, I almost surely would not have become a rabbi; had he not been a constant guide and friend, I almost surely would not have had a rabbinic career spanning five decades.

Solomon Gaon was born in Travnik, Yugoslavia in 1912 and studied at the yeshiva in Sarajevo. Both his parents died in the Holocaust. He received his rabbinic ordination from Jews' College in London. In 1949 he became Haham (Chief Rabbi) of the Sephardic congregations of the British Commonwealth. With Alan Mocatta, he is credited with revivifying a declining community. Beginning in 1963, he became involved (initially on a part-time basis) with Yeshiva University in New York, and was integral in the founding of its Sephardic Studies Program. While in New York, Haham Gaon was closely identified with Congregation Shearith Israel where he attended services regularly.

Haham Gaon had an uncanny understanding of human nature. He seemed to know what was on your mind without your ever having to tell him. He was one of those rare rabbis and teachers who actually cared about others with a fullness of concern. He held impressive titles and received many honors; but he was among the humblest people I have ever known. Whatever he achieved was not directed at self-glory, but was for the glory of God. He spoke to all people with respect and kindness. He was as non-judgmental a rabbi as I have ever met. His motivating emotion was love; his compassion and empathy seemed to know no bounds.

Haham Gaon seemed to have boundless energy. He traveled extensively; he visited many Sephardic communities around the world. He spoke at many conferences and scholarly gatherings. As busy as he was, he always seemed to have time for family, friends, and students. He and Mrs. Gaon were gracious hosts; they enjoyed being with people, sharing happy times.

Haham Gaon had a lively sense of humor. He also had gravitas. He knew how to carry himself with great dignity while still not becoming aloof.

Haham Gaon, like the classic rabbis of Sephardic tradition, placed great emphasis on prayer. He seemed to have a remarkable spiritual intimacy with the Almighty. When Haham Gaon prayed, all of us in his presence felt an extra spiritual energy in the room.

In an article I wrote on Sephardic models of rabbinic leadership, I referred to Haham Gaon:

 

As a young rabbi, I learned much from my teacher Haham Solomon Gaon, with whom I studied at Yeshiva University, and to whom I turned for guidance for many years thereafter. I once complained to Haham Gaon that I was called upon by various organizations and committees to attend their events and meetings. I felt I should be exempt from these communal responsibilities, so that I could devote more time to my studies. I thought the Haham would support my request. Instead, he gently rebuked me. He said: The people who devote their time and effort on behalf of the community need to know that the rabbi is with them. They need to see the rabbi, to hear the rabbi’s suggestions, to know that the rabbi appreciates and participates in their work. Yes, you need time to study; but you also need to devote time to working with members of the community. Haham Gaon was a Haver haIr, a friend of the community.

 

I went on to write that the classic Sephardic rabbinic model personified by Haham Gaon has been on the decline. “For a variety of sociological and psychological reasons, there has been a sea change in Orthodox rabbinic leadership in general—and an even more profound change in Sephardic rabbinic leadership. The upsurge in the influence of extreme Hareidi religious authorities has dragged much of Orthodoxy to the right.”

Haham Gaon represented a balanced religiosity, deeply faithful to tradition while deeply sensitive to the needs and feelings of modern men and women. Haham Gaon was a model of dignity, compassion, and total commitment to the People of Israel and the State of Israel. He did not attempt to validate his religiosity by adopting “Hareidi” style rabbinic garb; on the contrary, as a proud Sephardic rabbi, he refused to compromise his own traditions in order to curry favor among others. He respected Ashkenazic rabbis who were faithful to their traditions, and he expected them to be respectful of his traditions.

The broadness of vision, tolerance, spirituality and humanism of the Sephardic rabbinic tradition is on the brink of extinction. At the very moment when the Jewish world needs exactly this kind of spiritual leadership, we miss Haham more than ever.